At first most of the protest over the Roe decision came from Catholic sources, who had been opposing abortion and contraception for over a century They were later joined by many Protestants Eventually there were letter-writing campaigns to the Supreme Court The Pro-life supporters argued that life begins upon conception, and thus that the unborn should be entitled to legal protection Many conservatives and other supporters of federalism objected to the decision as lacking a valid Constitutional foundation, maintaining that the Constitution is silent on the issue and that proper solutions to the question would best be found via state legislatures and the democratic process rather than through an all-encompassing ruling from the Supreme Court Some lawyers felt justification could be found in the Constitution, but not in the articles referenced in the decision Pro-life protesters frequently picket abortion clinics, distribute literature and other forms of persuasion to women considering abortion, and have promoted adoption efforts to steer women away from abortion More extreme variants of the movement have also developed; abortion doctors have been the targets of harassment and even murder by individuals who claim that by taking the life of an abortion doctor they are actually saving the lives of many human fetuses However, activists who advocate or practice violence against abortion providers or recipients are consistently denounced by virtually all prominent pro-life groups Some abortion opponents have claimed that there exists a link between abortion and breast cancer, and Texas has enacted a law requiring literature advancing this theory be distributed to women considering abortion However, the National Cancer Institute (a division of the US National Institutes of Health) advises that the available medical research does not support this conclusion at this time [1] Every year on the anniversary of the decision, protesters continue to demonstrate outside the Supreme Court Building in Washington, DC
In response to Roe v Wade, several states enacted laws limiting abortion, including laws requiring parental consent for minors to obtain abortions, parental notification laws, spousal consent laws, spousal notification laws, laws requiring abortions to be performed in hospitals but not clinics, laws barring state funding for abortions, laws banning most very late term abortions utilizing intact dilation and extraction procedures (colloquially referred to as partial-birth abortions), laws requiring waiting periods before abortion, laws mandating that women read certain types of literature before choosing an abortion, and many more The Congress in the 1970s passed the Hyde Amendment, barring federal funding for abortion Abortions are currently prohibited in overseas military hospitals, and the United States is barred from aiding international family planning organizations that might advise abortions The Supreme Court struck down several state restrictions on abortions in a long series of cases stretching from the mid-1970s to the late 1980s, but consistently upheld restrictions on funding, including the Hyde Amendment, in the case of Harris v McRae (1980)
Some academics also criticized the decision In his 1973 article in the Yale Law Journal, The Wages of Crying Wolf,[2] Professor John Hart Ely criticized Roe as a decision which "is not constitutional law and gives almost no sense of an obligation to try to be" Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and other liberals such as Massachusetts congressman John F Tierney and editorial writer Michael Kinsley, have criticized the court's ruling in Roe v Wade as terminating a nascent democratic movement to liberalize abortion laws which they contend might have built a more durable consensus in support of abortion rights
Some academics supported the decision, including Judith Jarvis Thomson, who before the decision had offered an influential defense of abortion in A Defense of Abortion, printed in Philosophy and Public Affairs, vol 1, no 1 (1971), pp 47-66 Several groups have also emerged dedicated to Roe's defense Many Americans vigorously support abortion rights as necessary to women's equality and personal liberty Most prominent is the National Abortion Rights Action League, as well as EMILY's List, a pro-choice political action committee During his lifetime, Harry Blackmun, author of the Roe opinion, also was a determined advocate for the decision, making speeches across the country praising Roe as essential to women's equality and reproductive freedom During the 1980s and 1990s, pressure grew from these groups for the Democratic Party to take a unified stand in favor of Roe
Fueled by the intensity of feelings in both its supporters and critics, the controversy over Roe shows no sign of abating Justice Stephen Breyer delineated the positions of the two camps in his opinion for the Court in 2000's Stenberg v Carhart:
Millions of Americans believe that life begins at conception and consequently that an abortion is akin to causing the death and violating the liberty of an innocent child; they recoil at the thought of a law that would permit it Other millions fear that a law that forbids abortion would condemn many American women to lives that lack dignity, depriving them of personal liberty and leading those with least resources to undergo illegal abortions with the attendant risks of death and suffering
[edit]
'Arbitrary' and 'Legislative'
Internal Supreme Court memoranda that surfaced in the Library of Congress in 1988, among the personal papers of Justice Douglas, and in the papers of other Justices, showed the private discussions of the Justices on the case Blackmun said of the majority decision he authored: "you will observe that I have concluded that the end of the first trimester is critical This is arbitrary, but perhaps any other selected point, such as quickening or viability, is equally arbitrary" Stewart said that the lines were "legislative" and wanted more flexibility and consideration paid to the state legislatures, though he joined Blackmun's decision Professor Douglas Kmiec testified on Justice Marshall's papers to this effect before the House Judiciary Committee in 1996 The assertion that the Supreme Court was making a legislative decision is often repeated by opponents of the Court's decision The lines that Blackmun chose are no longer in effect since Planned Parenthood v Casey (1992)
歌曲名:Sheila
歌手:Tommy Roe
专辑:Music For Rock 'N' Roll
Sheila
Steelheart
1990
Well there's a girl, lives on my block
She got the rhythm, and likes to rock
Most everynight, she's out on the town
Because she likes to move around
But when I'm lonely, she always got the time
I got the bottle, she salt and lime
Oh Sheila, Sheila, Sheila likes tequila
Ol' Margarita is her friend
And Senor Cuervos her lovin' man
When she needs some sympathy
She tends to see their company
When it all gets a bit too much
Oh yeah, the lady needs the lovin' touch
Oh Sheila, oh Sheila, Sheila likes tequila
Yeah oh Sheila, oh Sheila, Sheila, yeah
She's quite a lady, oh she's quite a girl
Tonight she'll take me around the world
But in the mornin' I'll look in her eyes
And only see a cold sunrise
The bottle's dusty but the liquor's clean, yeah
Break out the OJ and grenadine
Oh Sheila, oh Sheila, Sheila likes tequila
Yeah oh Sheila, oh Sheila, Sheila, yeah
I try to give her all the love that I can, all the love that I can
For mister Cuervos, her lovin' man
Sheila, oh Sheila, Sheila
Sheila, oh Sheila, yeah
Sheila, oh Sheila, oh Sheila, oh
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